Al-Farabi
A Muslim Scholar
Al-Farabi's imagined face appears on the currency of the
Republic of Kazakhstan
Name:
Abū Nasr Muhammad ibn al-Farakh al-Fārābi[1]
Title:
The Second Teacher[2]
Birth:
c. 872[2]
Death:
c. 950[2]
Region:
Central Asia, Iran, Egypt and Syria
Maddhab:
Twelver Shi'a Muslim[2]
School
tradition:
known as "Father of Islamic Neoplatonism"; gave rise to the
Farabian school[1]
Main
interests: Metaphysics, Political philosophy, Logic, Music,
Science(Tabi'iat), Ethics, Mysticism[2], Epistemology and
Medicine
Works:
Purposes of Metaphysics of Aristotle[3], Fosus Al-Hekam, Kitab
Mabda’ ara’ ahl Al-Madina Al-Fadhila, Counting the
knowledge(Ehsa Al-Ulum), The Great musics(Al-Musiqi Al-Kabir)[2]
Influences:
Aristotle, Plato, Porphyry, Ptolemy,[citation needed], Al-Kindi
Influenced:
Avicenna, Yahya ibn Adi, Abu Sulayman Sijistani, Shahab al-Din
Suhrawardi, Ibn Bajjah, Mulla Sadra[2] Al Amiri, Maimonides and
Abū Hayyān al-Tawhīdī[citation needed]
Abū Nasr Muhammad ibn al-Farakh al-Fārābi[1] (Nastaliq:
أبو نصر محمد الفارابي)
or Abū Nasr al-Fārābi (in some sources, known as Muhammad ibn
Muhammad ibn Tarkhan ibn Uzlagh al-Farabi
أبو نصر محمد بن محمد بن أوزلغ الفارابي [2]),
also known in the West as Alpharabius, Alfarabi, Al-Farabi,
Farabi, and Abunaser (c. 872[2] – between 14 December 950 and 12
January 951) was a Muslim polymath and one of the greatest
scientists and philosophers of Persia and the Islamic world in
his time. He was also a cosmologist, logician, musician,
psychologist and sociologist.
Contents
•
1 Biography
o
1.1 Persian origin
o
1.2 Turkic origin
•
2 Contributions
o
2.1 Logic
o
2.2 Music and sociology
o
2.3 Philosophy
o
2.4 Physics
o
2.5 Psychology
•
3 Philosophical thought
•
4 Works
o
4.1 Metaphysics and cosmology
o
4.2 Epistemology and eschatology
o
4.3 Psychology, the soul and prophetic knowledge
o
4.4 Practical philosophy (ethics and politics)
Biography
The
existing variations in the basic facts about al-Farabi's origins
and pedigree indicate that they were not recorded during his
lifetime or soon thereafter by anyone with concrete information,
but were based on hearsay or guesses (as is the case with other
contemporaries of al-Farabi). But what is known with certainty
is that after finishing his early school years in Farab and
Bukhara, Farabi moved to Baghdad in 901 to pursue higher
studies. He studied under a Nestorian Christian cleric Yuhanna
ibn-Haylan in Harran who abandoned lay interests and engaged in
his ecclesiastical duties, and he remained in Baghdad for more
than 40 years and acquired mastery over several languages and
fields of knowledge.[1] He left Baghdad in 941 and went to
Aleppo. There, he was supported and glorified by Saif ad-Daula,
the Hamdanid ruler of Syria. He had some other journeys and
traveled to Cairo[2] Finally Farabi died in Damascus sometime
between 14 December 950 and 12 January 951.[1]
There is
no consensus on the ethnic background of Farabi. All sources on
his ethnic background have been written at least 300 years after
Farabi and these few classical primary sources have described
his ethnicity differently. Among notable scholars who have done
extensive research on Farabi's life and works is Prof. Dimitri
Gutas who has examined primary sources dealing with Farabi's
background.[1]
Persian origin
The oldest known document regarding his background, written by
the medieval Arab historian Ibn Abi Osaybe'a (died in 1269),
mentions that al-Farabi's father was of Persian descent.[4]
Mohammad Ibn Mahmud Al-Shahruzi who lived around 1288 A.D. and
has written an early biography also has stated that Farabi
hailed from a Persian family.[5] Ibn al-Nadim, a younger
contemporary of Farabi and a close friend of Yahya ibn Adi
(Farabi's closest and most successful student), states Farabi's
origins[1][6] to lie in Faryab in Khorasan ("men al-Faryab men
ardhµ Khorasan"). Faryab is also the name of a province in
today's Afghanistan. The Dehkhoda Dictionary - based on Ibn Abi
Osaybe'a's accounts - also calls him Persian (فارسی
المنتسب),
mentioning the fact that his father was a member of the
Persian-speaking Samanid court of Central Asia. The older
Persian form Parab (Persian word meaning cultivated land by
streams) is given in the historical account Hodud al-'alam for
his birthplace. Farabi has in a number of his works references
and glosses in Persian and Sogdian,[7][8] pointing to an
Iranian-speaking Central Asian origin. A Persian origin is also
discussed by Peter J. King[9] and some other western sources[10]
as well a comprehensive source on Islamic Philosophy written in
Arabic by the Egyptian scholar Prof. Hanna Fakhuri.[11]
Turkic origin
The
oldest known reference to a possible Turkic (Uzbek) origin is
given by the medieval historian Ibn Khallekān (died in 1282),
who claimed that Farabi was born in the small village of Wasij
near Farab (in what is today Otrar, Kazakhstan) of Turkic
parents, and in the following decades and centuries, many others
copied his work.[12] But scholars criticize Ibn Khallekān's
statement, as it is only aimed to ridicule the earlier reports
of Ibn Abi Osaybe'a, and seems to have the sole purpose to prove
that Farabi was a Turk.[1] In this context, it is criticized
that Ibn Khallekān was also the first to use the additional
nisba (surname) "al-Turk" - a nisba Farabi never had.[1] Ibn
Khallekān's statement also contradicts Ibn al-Nadim and Yahya
bin Adi, both contemporaries of Farabi, who had reported that
Farabi's birthplace was Faryab in Khorasan (in modern
Afghanistan). Ibn Khallekān's accounts are also partially
contradicted by the above mentioned fact that Farabi has in many
of his writings references and glosses in Persian, Sogdian, and
Greek, but not in Turkish.[1]
However,
aside from early Islamic sources and the mentioned
controversies, a significant number of sources[13] as well as
the Encyclopaedia Britannica[14] consider al-Farabi to be of
Turkic, some even of Turkic Seljuq[15] origin.
Contributions
Farabi
made notable contributions to the fields of logic, mathematics,
medicine, music, philosophy, psychology and sociology.
Logic
Al-Farabi was also the first Muslim logician to develop a
non-Aristotelian logic. He discussed the topics of future
contingents, the number and relation of the categories, the
relation between logic and grammar, and non-Aristotelian forms
of inference.[16] He is also credited for categorizing logic
into two separate groups, the first being "idea" and the second
being "proof."
Music and
sociology
Farabi
wrote books on early Muslim sociology and a notable book on
music titled Kitab al-Musiqa (The Book of Music). He played and
invented a varied number of musical instruments and his pure
Arabian tone system is still used in Arabic music.[17]
Al-Farabi's treatise Meanings of the Intellect dealt with music
therapy, where he discussed the therapeutic effects of music on
the soul.[18]
Philosophy
As a
philosopher, Al-Farabi was a founder of his own school of early
Islamic philosophy known as "Farabism" or "Alfarabism", though
it was later overshadowed by Avicennism. Al-Farabi's school of
philosophy "breaks with the philosophy of Plato and Aristotle
[... and ...] moves from metaphysics to methodology, a move that
anticipates modernity", and "at the level of philosophy,
Alfarabi unites theory and practice [... and] in the sphere of
the political he liberates practice from theory". His
Neoplatonic theology is also more than just metaphysics as
rhetoric. In his attempt to think through the nature of a First
Cause, Alfarabi discovers the limits of human knowledge".[19]
Al-Farabi had great influence on science and philosophy for
several centuries, and was widely regarded to be second only to
Aristotle in knowledge (alluded to by his title of "the Second
Teacher") in his time. His work, aimed at synthesis of
philosophy and Sufism, paved the way for the work of Ibn Sina
(Avicenna).[20]
Al-Farabi also wrote a rich commentary on Aristotle's work, and
one of his most notable works is Al-Madina al-Fadila where he
theorized an ideal state as in Plato's The Republic.[21]
Al-Farabi represented religion as a symbolic rendering of truth,
and, like Plato, saw it as the duty of the philosopher to
provide guidance to the state. Influenced by the writings of
Aristotle, in The Ideas of the Citizens of the Virtuous City and
other books, he advanced the view that philosophy and revelation
are two different modes of approaching the same truth.[citation
needed] He also may have mentioned Alexander the Great in one of
his works.[citation needed]
Physics
Al-Farabi is also known for his early investigations into the
nature of the existence of void in Islamic physics.[21] In
thermodynamics, he appears to have carried out the first
experiments concerning the existence of vacuum, in which he
investigated handheld plungers in water.[22] He concluded that
air's volume can expand to fill available space, and he
suggested that the concept of perfect vacuum was incoherent.[23]
Psychology
In
psychology, al-Farabi's Social Psychology and Model City were
the first treatises to deal with social psychology. He stated
that "an isolated individual could not achieve all the
perfections by himself, without the aid of other individuals."
He wrote that it is the "innate disposition of every man to join
another human being or other men in the labor he ought to
perform." He concluded that in order to "achieve what he can of
that perfection, every man needs to stay in the neighborhood of
others and associate with them."[18]
His On
the Cause of Dreams, which appeared as chapter 24 of his Book of
Opinions of the people of the Ideal City, was a treatise on
dreams, in which he was the first to distinguish between dream
interpretation and the nature and causes of dreams.[18]
Philosophical
thought
The main
influence on al-Farabi's philosophy was the neo-Aristotelian
tradition of Alexandria. A prolific writer, he is credited with
over one hundred works.[24] Amongst these are a number of
prolegomena to philosophy, commentaries on important
Aristotelian works (such as the Nicomachean Ethics) as well as
his own works. His ideas are marked by their coherency, despite
drawing together of many different philosophical disciplines and
traditions. Some other significant influences on his work were
the planetary model of Ptolemy and elements of Neo-Platonism,
[25]particularly metaphysics and practical (or political)
philosophy (which bears more resemblance to Plato's Republic
than Aristotle's Politics).[26]
Al-Farabi as well as Ibn Sina and Averroes have been recognized
as Peripatetics(al-Mashsha’iyun) or rationalists(Estedlaliun)
among Muslims.[27] [28][29] However he tried to gather the ideas
of Plato and Aristotle in his book "The gathering of the ideas
of the two philosophers".[30]
According to Adamson, his work was singularly directed towards
the goal of simultaneously reviving and reinventing the
Alexandrian philosophical tradition, to which his Christian
teacher, Yuhanna b. Haylan belonged. His success should be
measured by the honorific title of "the second master" of
philosophy (Aristotle being the first), by which he was known.
Interestingly, Adamson also says that he does not make any
reference to the ideas of either al-Kindi or his contemporary,
Abu Bakr al-Razi, which clearly indicates that he did not
consider their approach to Philosophy as a correct or viable
one.[31]
Works
Metaphysics and
cosmology
In
contrast to al-Kindi, who considered the subject of metaphysics
to be God, al-Farabi believed that it was concerned primarily
with being qua being (that is, being in of itself), and this is
related to God only to the extent that God is a principal of
absolute being. Al-Kindi's view was, however, a common
misconception regarding Greek philosophy amongst Muslim
intellectuals at the time, and it was for this reason that
Avicenna remarked that he did not understand Aristotle's
Metaphysics properly until he had read a prolegomena written by
al-Farabi.[32]
Al-Farabi's cosmology is essentially based upon three pillars:
Aristotelian metaphysics of causation, highly developed
Plotinian emanational cosmology and the Ptolemaic astronomy.[33]
In his model, the universe is viewed as a number of concentric
circles; the outermost sphere or "first heaven", the sphere of
fixed stars, Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, the Sun, Venus, Mercury and
finally, the Moon. At the centre of these concentric circles is
the sub-lunar realm which contains the material world.[34] Each
of these circles represent the domain of the secondary
intelligences (symbolized by the celestial bodies themselves),
which act as causal intermediaries between the First Cause (in
this case, God) and the material world. Furthermore these are
said to have emanated from God, who is both their formal and
efficient cause. This departs radically from the view of
Aristotle, who considered God to be solely a formal cause for
the movement of the spheres, but by doing so it renders the
model more compatible with the ideas of the theologians.[35]
The
process of emanation begins (metaphysically, not temporally)
with the First Cause, whose principal activity is
self-contemplation. And it is this intellectual activity that
underlies its role in the creation of the universe. The First
Cause, by thinking of itself, "overflows" and the incorporeal
entity of the second intellect "emanates" from it. Like its
predecessor, the second intellect also thinks about itself, and
thereby brings its celestial sphere (in this case, the sphere of
fixed stars) into being, but in addition to this it must also
contemplate upon the First Cause, and this causes the
"emanation" of the next intellect. The cascade of emanation
continues until it reaches the tenth intellect, beneath which is
the material world. And as each intellect must contemplate both
itself and an increasing number of predecessors, each succeeding
level of existence becomes more and more complex. It should be
noted that this process is based upon necessity as opposed to
will. In other words, God does not have a choice whether or not
to create the universe, but by virtue of His own existence, He
causes it to be. This view also suggests that the universe is
eternal, and both of these points were criticized by al-Ghazzali
in his attack on the philosophers[36][37]
In his
discussion of the First Cause (or God), al-Farabi relies heavily
on negative theology. He says that it cannot be known by
intellectual means, such as dialectical division or definition,
because the terms used in these processes to define a thing
constitute its substance. Therefore if one was to define the
First Cause, each of the terms used would actually constitute a
part of its substance and therefore behave as a cause for its
existence, which is impossible as the First Cause is uncaused;
it exists without being caused. Equally, he says it cannot be
known according to genus and differentia, as its substance and
existence are different from all others, and therefore it has no
category to which it belongs. If this were the case, then it
would not be the First Cause, because something would be prior
in existence to it, which is also impossible. This would suggest
that the more philosophically simple a thing is, the more
perfect it is. And based on this observation, Adamson says it is
possible to see the entire hierarchy of al-Farabi's cosmology
according to classification into genus and species. Each
succeeding level in this structure has as its principal
qualities multiplicity and deficiency, and it is this
ever-increasing complexity that typifies the material world.
[38]
Epistemology and
eschatology
Human
beings are unique in al-Farabi's vision of the universe because
they stand between two worlds: the "higher", immaterial world of
the celestial intellects and universal intelligibles, and the
"lower", material world of generation and decay; they inhabit a
physical body, and so belong to the "lower" world, but they also
have a rational capacity, which connects them to the "higher"
realm. Each level of existence in al-Farabi's cosmology is
characterized by its movement towards perfection, which is to
become like the First Cause; a perfect intellect. Human
perfection (or "happiness"), then, is equated with constant
intellection and contemplation.[39]
Al-Farabi
divides intellect into four categories: potential, actual,
acquired and the Agent. The first three are the different states
of the human intellect and the fourth is the Tenth Intellect
(the moon) in his emanational cosmology. The potential intellect
represents the capacity to think, which is shared by all human
beings, and the actual intellect is an intellect engaged in the
act of thinking. By thinking, al-Farabi means abstracting
universal intelligibles from the sensory forms of objects which
have been apprehended and retained in the individual's
imagination.[40]
This
motion from potentiality to actuality requires the Agent
Intellect to act upon the retained sensory forms; just as the
Sun illuminates the physical world to allow us to see, the Agent
Intellect illuminates the world of intelligibles to allow us to
think.[41] This illumination removes all accident (such as time,
place, quality) and physicality from them, converting them into
primary intelligibles, which are logical principles such as "the
whole is greater than the part". The human intellect, by its act
of intellection, passes from potentiality to actuality, and as
it gradually comprehends these intelligibles, it is identified
with them (as according to Aristotle, by knowing something, the
intellect becomes like it).[42] Because the Agent Intellect
knows all of the intelligibles, this means that when the human
intellect knows all of them, it becomes associated with the
Agent Intellect's perfection and is known as the acquired
Intellect.[43]
While
this process seems mechanical, leaving little room for human
choice or volition, Reisman says that al-Farabi is committed to
human voluntarism.[44] This takes place when man, based on the
knowledge he has acquired, decides whether to direct himself
towards virtuous or un-virtuous activities, and thereby decides
whether or not to seek true happiness. And it is by choosing
what is ethical and contemplating about what constitutes the
nature of ethics, that the actual intellect can become "like"
the active intellect, thereby attaining perfection. It is only
by this process that a human soul may survive death, and live on
in the afterlife.[45][46]
According to al-Farabi, the afterlife is not the personal
experience commonly conceived of by religious traditions such as
Islam and Christianity. Any individual or distinguishing
features of the soul are annihilated after the death of the
body; only the rational faculty survives (and then, only if it
has attained perfection), which becomes one with all other
rational souls within the agent intellect and enters a realm of
pure intelligence.[47] Henry Corbin compares this eschatology
with that of the Ismaili Neo-Platonists, for whom this process
initiated the next grand cycle of the universe.[48] However,
Deborah Black mentions we have cause to be skeptical as to
whether this was the mature and developed view of al-Farabi, as
later thinkers such as Ibn Tufayl, Averroes and Ibn Bajjah would
assert that he repudiated this view in his commentary on the
Nicomachean Ethics, which has been lost to modern experts.[49]
Psychology, the
soul and prophetic knowledge
In his
treatment of the human soul, al-Farabi draws on a basic
Aristotelian outline, which is informed by the commentaries of
later Greek thinkers. He says it is composed of four faculties:
The appetitive (the desire for, or aversion to an object of
sense), the sensitive (the perception by the senses of corporeal
substances), the imaginative (the faculty which retains images
of sensible objects after they have been perceived, and then
separates and combines them for a number of ends), and the
rational, which is the faculty of intellection.[50] It is the
last of these which is unique to human beings and distinguishes
them from plants and animals. It is also the only part of the
soul to survive the death of the body. Noticeably absent from
these scheme are internal senses, such as common sense, which
would be discussed by later philosophers such as Avicenna and
Averroes. [51][52]
Special
attention must be given to al-Farabi's treatment of the soul's
imaginative faculty, which is essential to his interpretation of
prophethood and prophetic knowledge. In addition to its ability
to retain and manipulate sensible images of objects, he gives
the imagination the function of imitation. By this he means the
capacity to represent an object with an image other than its
own. In other words, to imitate "x" is to imagine "x" by
associating it with sensible qualities that do not describe its
own appearance. This extends the representative ability of the
imagination beyond sensible forms and to include temperaments,
emotions, desires and even immaterial intelligibles or abstract
universals, as happens when, for example, one associates "evil"
with "darkness".[53][54] The prophet, in addition to his own
intellectual capacity, has a very strong imaginative faculty,
which allows him to receive an overflow of intelligibles from
the agent intellect (the tenth intellect in the emanational
cosmology). These intelligibles are then associated with symbols
and images, which allow him to communicate abstract truths in a
way that can be understood by ordinary people. Therefore what
makes prophetic knowledge unique is not its content, which is
also accessible to philosophers through demonstration and
intellection, but rather the form that it is given by the
prophet's imagination.[55][56]
Practical
philosophy (ethics and politics)
The
practical application of philosophy is a major concern expressed
by al-Farabi in many of his works, and while the majority of his
philosophical output has been influenced by Aristotelian
thought, his practical philosophy is unmistakably based on that
of Plato.[57] In a similar manner to Republic (Plato), al-Farabi
emphasizes that philosophy is both a theoretical and practical
discipline; labeling those philosophers who do not apply their
erudition to practical pursuits as "futile philosophers". The
ideal society, he says, is one directed towards the realization
of "true happiness" (which can be taken to mean philosophical
enlightenment) and as such, the ideal philosopher must hone all
the necessary arts of rhetoric and poetics to communicate
abstract truths to the ordinary people, as well as having
achieved enlightenment himself.[58] Al-Farabi compares the
philosopher's role in relation to society with a physician in
relation to the body; the body's health is affected by the
"balance of its humours" just as the city is determined by the
moral habits of its people. The philosopher's duty, he says, is
to establish a "virtuous" society by healing the souls of the
people, establishing justice and guiding them towards "true
happiness".[59]
Of
course, al-Farabi realizes that such a society is rare and will
require a very specific set of historical circumstances in order
to be realized, which means very few societies will ever be able
to attain this goal. He divides those "vicious" societies, which
have fallen short of the ideal "virtuous" society, into three
categories: ignorant, wicked and errant. Ignorant societies
have, for whatever reason, failed to comprehend the purpose of
human existence, and have supplanted the pursuit of happiness
for another (inferior) goal, whether this be wealth, sensual
gratification or power. It is interesting to note that
democratic societies also fall into this category, as they too
lack any guiding principal. Both wicked and errant societies
have understood the true human end, but they have failed to
follow it. The former because they have willfully abandoned it,
and the latter because their leaders have deceived and misguided
them. Al-Farabi also makes mention of "weeds" in the virtuous
society; those people who try to undermine its progress towards
the true human end. [60]
Whether
or not al-Farabi actually intended to outline a political
programme in his writings remains a matter of dispute amongst
academics. Henry Corbin, who considers al-Farabi to be a
crypto-Shi'ite, says that his ideas should be understood as a
"prophetic philosophy" instead of being interpreted
politically.[61] On the other hand, Charles Butterworth contends
that nowhere in his work does al-Farabi speak of a
prophet-legislator or revelation (even the word philosophy is
scarcely mentioned), and the main discussion that takes place
concerns the positions of "king" and "statesmen".[62]. Occupying
a middle position is David Reisman, who like Corbin believes
that al-Farabi did not want to expound a political doctrine
(although he does not go so far to attribute it to Islamic
Gnosticism either). He argues that al-Farabi was using different
types of society as examples, in the context of an ethical
discussion, to show what effect correct or incorrect thinking
could have.[63] Lastly, Joshua Parens argues that al-Farabi was
slyly asserting that a pan-Islamic society could not be made, by
using reason to show how many conditions (such as moral and
deliberative virtue) would have to be met, thus leading the
reader to conclude that humans are not fit for such a society.
[64]
Notes
1.
^ a b c d e f g h i j Dimitri Gutas, "Farabi" in Encyclopædia
Iranica, Online Edition 2005-2007; accessed March 1, 2007.
2.
^ a b c d e f g h i j Corbin, Henry; Hossein Nasr and Utman
Yahya (2001). History of Islamic Philosophy. Kegan Paul. ISBN
978-0710304162.
3.
^ Autobiography of Avicenna
4.
^ Ebn Abi Osaybea, Oyun al-anba fi tabaqat at-atebba, ed. A.
Müller, Cairo, 1299/1882.
و
كان ابوه قائد جيش و هو فارسي
5.
^ Arabic:
و
كان من سلاله فارس
in J. Mashkur, Farab and Farabi,Tehran,1972. See also Dehkhoda
Dictionary under the entry Farabi for the same exact Arabic
quote.
6.
^ (in Flügel p.263)
7.
^ George Fadlo Hourani, Essays on Islamic Philosophy and
Science, Suny press, 1975
8.
^ Kiki Kennedy-Day, Books of Definition in Islamic Philosophy:
The Limits of Words, Routledge, 2002, page 32
9.
^ P.J. King, "One Hundred Philosophers", chapter al-Fārābi,
Barron's Educational Books, USA 2004
10. ^
o
St. Elmo Nauman Dictionary of Asian Philosophies - Page 3,
Published 1978 Philosophical Library
o
Henry Thomas, Understanding the Great Philosophers,
Doubleday,Published 1962
o
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Muhammad Abdul Al-Hadi Abu Ridah, Cairo, 1957, pg 196
ت، حـ، ديبور: تاريخ الفلسفة في الإسلام. ترجمة: محمد عبد الهادي
أو ريدة. مطبعة لجنة التأليف والترجمة، القاهرة، ط4، 1957،ص 196
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